The election manifestos have landed and with them a little more detail around the parties’ planned tax measures.
The Conservative Party manifesto, launched on 24 November, includes:
Institute for Fiscal Studies director, Paul Johnson, was underwhelmed. ‘As a blueprint for five years in government the lack of significant policy action is remarkable’, he commented.
Johnson described the triple tax lock as ‘part of a fundamentally damaging narrative, that we can have the public services we want, with more money for health and pensions and schools, without paying for them’.
The Labour Party manifesto, launched on 21 November, and the party’s ‘fair tax programme’, includes:
A Labour government would also task HM Treasury with conducting a review of corporate tax reliefs, with full terms of reference to be published within a month of the new government entering office and reporting to Treasury ministers after six months. The review would be informed by an expert panel including HMRC, OTS, NAO, trade unions and business stakeholders. The objective of the review would be to achieve efficiencies of 1% of total expenditure on tax reliefs, estimated to be around £4.3bn, through reductions in corporate tax reliefs by the final fiscal year of the Parliament.
Expressing doubts about the feasibility of these tax proposals, Stuart Adam, an economist at the IFS, said: ‘Labour claims its measures would raise £80 billion in 2023/24, with most of this coming from increasing taxes on companies and their shareholders. This would imply the UK raising more in corporation tax than any other G7 country. The biggest tax rise is an increase in corporation tax rates, which is unlikely to bring in as much revenue as Labour hopes, at least in the longer term. Increases in corporation tax would affect far more than the very rich: much of the burden would ultimately be felt by employees and customers.’
The Liberal Democrat manifesto, launched on 20 November, includes:
Commenting on the plans, which the Liberal Democrats claim would raise £37bn a year, Stuart Adam said: ‘A little under half of this comes from straightforward increases in the rates of income tax and corporation tax. The rest comes from a range of measures with less certain revenue implications. Some would be more welcome than others, but most of them complicate the tax system.’
In particular, the IFS notes that abolishing the CGT annual allowance ‘would extend the administrative burden of CGT to many more people’, while the ‘dubious’ anti-avoidance measures promise nearly £6bn a year ‘without actually specifying which activities would be taxed more than they are now’.
The proposal to double revenue from air passenger duty, falling mainly on frequent fliers, would require ‘an entirely new administrative mechanism to monitor how many flights people have taken in a year’.
The election manifestos have landed and with them a little more detail around the parties’ planned tax measures.
The Conservative Party manifesto, launched on 24 November, includes:
Institute for Fiscal Studies director, Paul Johnson, was underwhelmed. ‘As a blueprint for five years in government the lack of significant policy action is remarkable’, he commented.
Johnson described the triple tax lock as ‘part of a fundamentally damaging narrative, that we can have the public services we want, with more money for health and pensions and schools, without paying for them’.
The Labour Party manifesto, launched on 21 November, and the party’s ‘fair tax programme’, includes:
A Labour government would also task HM Treasury with conducting a review of corporate tax reliefs, with full terms of reference to be published within a month of the new government entering office and reporting to Treasury ministers after six months. The review would be informed by an expert panel including HMRC, OTS, NAO, trade unions and business stakeholders. The objective of the review would be to achieve efficiencies of 1% of total expenditure on tax reliefs, estimated to be around £4.3bn, through reductions in corporate tax reliefs by the final fiscal year of the Parliament.
Expressing doubts about the feasibility of these tax proposals, Stuart Adam, an economist at the IFS, said: ‘Labour claims its measures would raise £80 billion in 2023/24, with most of this coming from increasing taxes on companies and their shareholders. This would imply the UK raising more in corporation tax than any other G7 country. The biggest tax rise is an increase in corporation tax rates, which is unlikely to bring in as much revenue as Labour hopes, at least in the longer term. Increases in corporation tax would affect far more than the very rich: much of the burden would ultimately be felt by employees and customers.’
The Liberal Democrat manifesto, launched on 20 November, includes:
Commenting on the plans, which the Liberal Democrats claim would raise £37bn a year, Stuart Adam said: ‘A little under half of this comes from straightforward increases in the rates of income tax and corporation tax. The rest comes from a range of measures with less certain revenue implications. Some would be more welcome than others, but most of them complicate the tax system.’
In particular, the IFS notes that abolishing the CGT annual allowance ‘would extend the administrative burden of CGT to many more people’, while the ‘dubious’ anti-avoidance measures promise nearly £6bn a year ‘without actually specifying which activities would be taxed more than they are now’.
The proposal to double revenue from air passenger duty, falling mainly on frequent fliers, would require ‘an entirely new administrative mechanism to monitor how many flights people have taken in a year’.